By Hadiza Ismail
Three months ago, if someone had asked me about United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), I wouldn’t have been able to explain it properly. I knew the term from reports or workshops, but it hadn’t stuck. Most of my career has been in media and communications, with a strong commitment to supporting women affected by conflict; women whose lives are rebuilt through small grants, education, and community efforts. Working with organisations such as LEGASI and the Interfaith Mediation Centre, I’ve met women who carry stories of suffering, but also remarkable resilience so, when I recently had the opportunity to plan a Women, Peace and Security (WPS) stakeholders’ engagement under LEGASI, I decided to dive deep into UNSCR 1325. What I discovered was eye-opening. A resolution so transformative, capable of reshaping the futures of millions in Nigeria—has not been given the attention it deserves outside of policy circles.
Adopted in October 2000, UNSCR 1325 was groundbreaking. For the first time, the UN recognized that women are not just victims of conflict, but central actors in preventing violence, building peace, and shaping security. The resolution rests on four interconnected pillars: participation, protection, prevention, and relief/recovery. Nigeria embraced this early, launching its first National Action Plan in 2013, a second in 2017, and now preparing a third (2024–2028). Sixteen states including Kaduna, have developed their own action plans, and various local governments have followed suit. On paper, Nigeria appears committed, but living and working in the north-west—where banditry, insurgency, and deep gender inequality intersect every day, I see how much more complex the reality is.
This is not just UN jargon. UNSCR 1325 links directly to several Sustainable Development Goals such as ending violence against women, promoting women’s leadership, and creating inclusive institutions. These goals are urgent in the Nigeria and particularly in the North. According to UNICEF, In the North-West geopolitical zone, fewer than four in ten women aged 15–24 are literate, versus nine in ten in southern zones. Nationally, women’s literacy is lower compared to the men. In formal schooling, the crisis persists as nearly 10.5 million children aged 5–14 are out of school in Nigeria of which, about 48% of out-of-school girls are in the North-West and North-East (UNICEF).

Hadiza Ismail presenting an overview of the NAPs during a Stakeholder Engagement on WPS organized by LEGASI in collaboration with Oxfam, iMatter and Adapt Localization Nexus
Political representation remains dismal. In the Senate, women hold 4 out of 109 seats, which equates to approximately 2.7% of the chamber. In the House of Representatives, women occupy 17 out of 360 seats, amounting to around 4.7%. This begs the question: how can peace be achieved and sustained when women who form a large segment of the population remain excluded?
Although these challenges exist, there are, thankfully, pockets of progress to celebrate. The Nigerian Defence Academy now trains female cadets, gender desks have been introduced across the police, civil defence, and correctional services, and the National Bureau of Statistics shows that Nigeria has exceeded the UN’s 17% benchmark for female peacekeepers, deploying nearly 28% women. Security sector training manuals now include gender perspectives. Sixteen states have adopted WPS plans, showing the potential of subnational leadership. All these steps reflect the possibility of change when political will meets capacity.
On the flip side, progress remains fragile as many initiatives rely on donor funding, susceptible to collapse when resources vanish. Coordination between government, civil society, and local communities is weak. Legal protections are uneven: only 19 states have enacted the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act, leaving many survivors without recourse. Cultural and religious norms still silence women across many communities. Women chosen to represent others often come from political patronage networks and not because they reflect grassroots realities. In one dialogue I facilitated, a participant declared, “The wrong women are being selected to represent us—those chosen for politics, not for passion or capacity.” Another noted, “Young people are engaging politically online, not in conference halls—WPS advocacy must catch up.” These comments reveal the gap between policies and local lived realities.

Group photograph with participants at the Stakeholder Engagement on WPS organised by LEGASI in collaboration with Oxfam, iMatter and Adapt Localisation Nexus
So, what must change?
First, our laws and institutions need strengthening. Every state should domesticate the VAPP Act. Discriminatory restrictions on women in security roles must be lifted. Gender desks should be adequately funded and held accountable.
Second, women’s political representation must move beyond the present number. Nigeria’s 35% affirmative action target must be enforced. Grassroots women, especially from conflict zones, must gain direct entry into peace structures. Women running for office need mentorship and sustained support.
Third, survivors of violence deserve robust services—not merely sympathetic words. Psychosocial support, shelters, legal aid, and police reform are essential. Without trust in justice systems, many women will remain silent.
Fourth, we must invest more in capacity-building and advocacy. Security officers need gender-sensitive training, and technology and media must amplify WPS narratives, especially to young people. Stronger partnerships between civil society, government, and local communities can ensure these policies don’t just remain documents collecting dust on the shelves.
Finally, local women’s voices must be at the centre. Widows, displaced women, women with disabilities, even female inmates often invisible to policy-makers are essential to reconciliation and peacebuilding.

Participant’s group presentation on ‘How CSOs and other Stakeholders can engage at National & International Levels, during a Stakeholder Engagement on WPS organised by LEGASI in collaboration with Oxfam, iMatter and Adapt Localisation Nexus
The forthcoming third National Action Plan (2024–2028) offers a real opportunity to close gaps. International partners remain vital, but only genuine local ownership will sustain change. Imagine communities where women mediate disputes effectively. Imagine stronger democracy built on women’s leadership. Imagine economic opportunities unlocking when women are empowered. Imagine fractured communities healing because peace processes included every voice. These are possible with real implementation of UNSCR 1325.
As we approach the 25th anniversary of UNSCR 1325 this October, we must ask: have action plans changed the lives of women in the communities? There is progress but work remains unfinished, and the urgency is stark.
For me, UNSCR 1325 is not an abstract UN resolution but a promise that women will not only be protected but will lead.
Sustainable peace in Nigeria will only be possible when women; especially the resilient but often marginalised women of Northern Nigeria move from the margins into the centre, shaping, leading, and securing the futures of their communities.
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